Why the Kuki-Meitei War cannot be compared to the Kuki - Manipur Naga Conflict

In recent months, comparisons have been drawn between the present Kuki-Meitei Conflict in Manipur to the Kuki-Naga Conflict of the 1990s. This was started by the Prime Minister of India Shri Narendra Modi while answering his critics in the Indian Parliament. He said in effect that wars of that scale had happened earlier too in Manipur and that it had lasted more than 5 years. This seems to be an attempt to divert the criticism that the Prime Minster had not visited Manipur even after one year of conflict. Recently, the former Director General of Assam Rifles Lieutenant General P.C. Nair drew similar comparisons of the current conflict with the Kuki-Naga conflict and seemed to even suggest that the former was more deadly. These remarks might convince an outsider but a keen observer of both these conflicts knows very well how different the two are. The current Manipur conflict is unparalleled not just in the Northeast but in Independent India.

The parallel drawn between the two conflicts is wrong in many ways. Let’s look back at the 1990s’ conflict. It’s undeniable that the Kuki-Naga conflict lasted roughly from 1993 to 1997 till the time the NSCN-IM signed a ceasefire with the Government of India. In fact, the psychological effects of the war lasted much longer, and though casualties were there on both sides, the loss on the Kuki side was much higher. Kukis lost about a 1000 souls, had to abandon most of their villages in Tamenglong and Ukhrul districts, and about 360 Kuki villages (big, small, and very small) were turned into ashes. As for the Nagas, they had to abandon their settlements in Moreh and Kangpokpi towns and a few of their villages were burnt. Their total death could be a hundred or two. In a sense, it was a one-sided war like the current Kuki-Meitei conflict but in many ways, it was very different.

Firstly, in the Kuki-Naga conflict, the state government was not outrightly supporting one side. Though Rishang Keishing, a Tangkhul Naga, was the Chief Minister of Manipur during most of the conflict, since the state machinery was dominated by Meiteis, the involvement of the state was limited. In fact, Rishang was not seen making hate speeches or changing narratives every month the way Biren Singh is doing. Nor did Rishang allow State Armouries to be looted or ordered bombardment of Kuki areas. The state capital Imphal functioned normally and every community had access to all state institutions and hospitals. The most important thing was that the State Police was neutral and there was nothing like the Kuki Police and Naga police the way things are now. Meiteis being the most dominant in the state were neutral and therefore, could influence much of the functioning of the state. In contrast, in the Meitei-Kuki conflict, since the Meiteis control most of the state machinery, it has become a conflict where the Meiteis, the entire state machinery including Manipur Commandos and Secretariat officers are on one side and the Kukis on the other.

Secondly, in the Kuki-Meitei issue, the conglomeration of Meitei Socieity groups, the COCOMI and another armed group, the Meitei Leepun explicitly declared "War on the Kukis". Pramot Singh of Meitei Leepun even threatened that the Kukis would be wiped clean from 15 kms square bordering the Valley areas. Such open declaration of war by Civil Societies didn’t happen during the Kuki-Naga Conflict.

Thirdly, in the Kuki-Naga conflict, not all the people were brainwashed to hate each other. In fact, it was seen mostly as an excess of the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Issac-Muivah) faction or the NSCN-IM. The war was initially seen as a fallout between the NSCN-IM and the Kuki National Army over control of the Kuki town of Moreh because of its lucrative trade, both in legal and illegal goods. It’s another matter that, like many other conflicts, it soon started affecting most Kukis and Nagas in Manipur. In Nagaland, the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Khaplang) faction, which is the rival faction of NSCN-IM, gave protection to the Kukis. The Naga National Council led by General Phovezo set up a camp in Kuki areas to protect them from NSCN-IM. The Chief Minister of Nagaland Shri S.C. Jamir also tried his best to give protection to the minority Kukis by placing police camps in sensitive villages. Jamir did this at great personal risk and the attempts on his life by NSCN-IM might not be altogether unrelated to this though there were other reasons too.

Even in the most violent days of the Kuki-Naga conflict, there were pockets where people from both parties would come together for prayer. In Manipur, many Kukis and Nagas still functioned under the same Manipur Baptist Convention, with members from both tribes even assembling together in some churches atleast in Imphal. In the town of Mao where many Kukis were waylaid and killed, a Kuki Reverend even went to preach in a Mao Church and his message cut ice leading to a great reduction in killings in that town. The church therefore still remained a unifying force even in the worst days. In contrast, there is no common ground where Kuki and Meitei can come together today. The fact that Armabai Tengol even burnt Meitei Churches means that the small channel of dialogue between Kukis and the few Christian groups among Meiteis is also gone. Its another matter that Christian Meiteis would not be even taken seriously by the other Sanamahi and Hindu sections.

Kukis of Imphal were the ones closest to the Meiteis. In fact, some would even accuse them of becoming Meitei-like in their lifestyle and thinking. Incidentally, since the Kukis of Imphal turned out to be the greatest victims of this war, and they being the influential ones in Kuki society, any reconciling movewith the Meities seem all the more difficult. Earlier, Meitei intellectuals like Pradip Phanjoubam, Yambem Laba, and Babloo Loitangbam were respected figures even amongst the Kukis. However, people like Pradip ended up creating false narratives against Kukis just before the war and Yambem lost all his respect for his ultra-Meitei nationalist speeches. Babloo is seen as too impartial even by Meiteis and his word might not carry weight amongst them. TV actors like Kaiku and Bala were more popular among Kukis than Ratan Theyam but Bala was seen calling for blood against Kukis while Kaiku was with his gun in the frontline-hoping to score political gains. Thus, we can see that there is now very little scope for ambassadors of peace and it also kind of show how much polarised the society has become. The brainwashing of Meiteis' mind against Kukis looks similar to the Nazi propaganda which was not present during the Kuki-Naga conflict. Similarly, on the Kuki side also, when two Kuki MLAs allegedly had a chance meeting with Biren in Guwahati (which Biren trumpeted in Imphal), the Kukis were up in arms against their MLAs. One MLA was even threatened by Kuki Volunteers.

Another major difference between the two conflicts is that the Kukis could still go to the capital city Imphal during the Kuki-Naga conflict. If Kukis could not go to Ukhrul or Tamenglong earlier, or vice versa Nagas in Churachandpur, it did not affect the normal functioning of the Kukis and Nagas to a large extent because the State Administration was headquartered in Imphal. Today, the Meitei-dominated city of Imphal is out of bounds for the Kukis in the same way the Kuki hills are out of bounds for the Meiteis. For the first time in Independent India, there is a Line of Control within a state between two communities. With the kind of polarised hate campaigns against Kukis, it is unlikely that Kukis would ever return to Imphal. The importance of a Capital city cannot be overstated. In such a scenario, it is only logical that Kukis would demand Separate Administration and any sane person will know why it’s no longer a choice but a necessity.

Some might wonder how Kukis with one-third of the population of Meiteis are able to fight back. The answer is that though the Meiteis are using every state machinery, the Kukis are holding on because it’s a fight for survival; it’s also a fight for one’s dignity after all the lies and propagandas that have been spread. With Biren Singh still comfortable in his Chair, and the Central Government more concerned about the Ukraine-Russia war, the only thing that might become similar between the Kuki-Naga conflict and the Kuki-Meitei War is that it might be a long-drawn war. Contrary to media reports, no foreign power is yet known to be involved in the current conflict. However, the longer the war lasts the greater the chances of China putting its hand inside India’s kitchen which will eventually be a far greater headache for India.