Goebbels in Manipur Assembly: How Deceptive is the House in Warranting State's Atrocities Against Kukis

In the recently concluded 5th Session of the 12th Manipur Legislative Assembly beginning from 28th February till 5th March, the government discussed and adopted several resolutions, most of which are largely centered on the present crisis and legal means to overcome it. The house resolved to implement the National Register of Citizens (NRC) Act, 2023; pressed the central leadership to abrogate Suspension of Operation (SOO) with Kuki militants; introduced Renaming of Places Act, 2024; among others. In fact, these resolutions were taken with the intention of bringing a lasting solution to the present crisis between Meiteis and Kukis; the obvious target being people who they called ‘illegal immigrants’ to the state. To Meitei legislators, interestingly, it is also a fulfillment of the oath they undertook in the hands of Arambai Tenggol on 24 January at Kangla in Imphal. Anyone following the proceedings of the house, thanks to live updates, will understand the degree of fairness of the house. In fact, the motions and nature of discussions exposed the helplessness and vulnerability of democracy for a minority. It was the second sitting of the house since the outbreak of the conflict last May. Since then Kuki legislators no longer bother to participate in the session. Taking advantage of the absence of enough tribal leaders, Imphal-based legislators engage themselves in vilifying certain groups and communities as the source of all problems in Manipur, like the Nazi accused Jews in the 1930s. Every lawmaker pointed to the illegal influx from Myanmar as solely responsible for the violence. By doing so, the state machinery put itself on equal footing to the objectives of extremist elements such as Arambai Tenngol, Meitei Leepun and other militant groups. As such offences committed by individuals and organizations receive immunity against legal proceedings as long as it serves its underlying objectives. Thus the session is silent on the looting of 6000 weapons, the intelligence failure, government’s inability to control violence of these proportions, attack on Kuki settlements, and the resettlement and rehabilitation of affected Kukis. Instead, the Manipur government seems to have thrown all options open: from legislative measures such as implementing NRC and through brute force, to remove whom they dubbed as illegal immigrants.

The Manipur violence which began with the demand and opposition to Scheduled Tribe (ST) status of Meiteis has slowly morphed into a citizenship row where the Manipur government and the majority community targeted a specific community as non- indigenous. The state Chief Minister N Biren Singh leads the bandwagon and has been the centre of attraction to all policies and actions. How genuine are the cases raised by political figures, such as Singh in the house and outside, deserve serious attention. Biren’s claim in the House
On the third day of the Assembly session, the state chief minister N Biren Singh presented to members of the house the increasing population in certain Kuki dominated areas such as Kangpokpi, Tengnoupal, Chandel, Churachandpur and Pherjawl districts. He stated that the decadal growth (2012-2022) of Kuki electors reached 51% from the previous 2012 report (see Table 1).

Singh’s statement in the house supposedly highlights the increase in voters in Kuki areas to 20-50% in the last decade, which if genuine is indeed alarming. However, the above figures as presented in the house demand a careful scrutiny before jumping into hasty conclusions. Data of electors in legislative constituencies gets revised every ten years by the office of chief election commissioner of the state. For the matter, any change in the electors is maintained in the office of the election commissioner of the state alone. Singh’s bold claim in the house, however, is at odds with the official figures from the state’s own election office. One cannot help but wonder where the CM sourced his data from. Or, is it part of a well- orchestrated Orwellian disinformation campaign?

Decadal figures as per Election Office

Contrary to the Chief Minister’s statement in the house, the office of the election commissioner presents a different picture of the decadal growth for 2012-2022. In 2022, legislative constituencies such as Tengnoupal, Saikul, Kangpokpi and Thanlon register a negative growth in their electorate size; whereas Saitu, Tipaimukh, Henglep, Churachandpur, Saikot and Singhat register growth in electorate size (see Table 2).

Churachandpur and Saikot constituencies, however, register a high decadal growth in electorate size. The reason for this drastic increase for the two constituencies is not far to seek. First, Churachandpur town (which includes Saikot constituency) is one of the most urbanized hill towns, attracting in-migration of Kuki peoples from different districts within the state for want of better life and opportunities. Second, the town also has increasing presence of non-tribal communities (including Meiteis), who predominantly engaged in trade and commerce. Third, it is a well- known fact that many Kukis who were affected by the Kuki-Naga conflicts during the mid-1990s have incrementally relocated to Churachandpur. As such, the high growth in the two constituencies is due to intra-state movements of peoples. The overall decadal growth (2012-2022) in Kuki dominated constituencies, which is as low as 10.2%, affirms this. It also repudiates the CM’s fondness to insinuate the occurrence of illegal immigration from across the international border. On the other hand, assembly constituencies where Nagas got elected as MLAs saw a steady increase of electors in the previous decade as per figures available at the state election office. Taking the case of ten such Naga constituencies, the overall decadal growth rate stands at about 19.9% with least or no influx from bordering states and countries (see table 3). Considering the level of steady growth of electors in Naga areas, the shock and apprehension with the growth of 10.2% in Kuki areas is awfully dramatic.

Similarly, the valley districts of Manipur with 40 legislative constituencies are dominated by Meitei and Meitei- Pangal communities. According to figures at the election office, it experienced a decadal growth of 18% which is slightly lower to constituencies in Naga dominated areas (see table 4). This growth is not even close to Kuki dominated areas which witnessed 10.2% in the last ten years.

District wise population growth, 1981-2011

There are numerous cases where certain individuals and organizations claim exponential rise of Kuki population in Manipur. M Rameshwar, a legislator representing Kakching district has stated that the Kuki population increased at the rate of 75% in 2022-24. Such point- blank statements are common occurrences at public gatherings. These are in fact the follow-ups of what Biren Singh does in any available public platform. Singh on account of the influx has repeatedly stated that illegal immigration from Myanmar took place in three phases: first in the early 1960s, second in 1988, and thirdly in the present civil war. There are obvious reasons to believe in him. However, the claims raised by the two political figures do not deserve serious treatment as long as official sources are referred to.

Decadal census data shows an average growth of Kuki population in Churachandpur and normal growth in Senapati and Chandel where they constitute roughly half of the population of the district (See Table 5). In the 2001 Census, three sub-divisions (constituencies) which reported an abnormal decadal growth rate were Naga dominated divisions of Mao-Maram (143.12%), Paomata (122.64%) and Purul (168.78%) sub-divisions, not of the Kukis.

Goebbel’s approach to state atrocities

N Biren Singh’s statement in the house pointing the decadal growth of voters in Kuki dominated constituencies to 51% from the previous decade is a matter of deep regret. This in fact is misleading that warrants attention from responsible authorities. Information from the office of the state election commission shows a decadal growth in Kuki areas at 10.2% which is far below Naga and Meitei areas which hovers to about 20%. By falsifying and misleading the house, Singh has reduced the institution as an epicenter of hate, fear and suspicion.

The attitude of the present Manipur government, as evident in the last assembly sitting, exemplifies the state of anarchy in a majoritarian democracy. Every session of the house exhibits the character of the far-right majoritarian democracy. When the house of the people becomes the centre of vilification, it is unimaginable as to what extent people in power will manipulate the masses on the ground. The constant vilification of Kukis as illegal immigrants, non-indigenous or narco-terrorists to the media, every social platform and in the house reminds us of the tactics of Joseph Goebbels, the propaganda minister of Adolf Hilter.

Goebbels famous lines “If you tell a lie big enough and keep repeating it, people will eventually come to believe it” seems to be well applied today to the ignorant masses. Goebbels believed that by propagating certain information continuously and repeatedly, people will eventually believe it. Chief Minister N Biren Singh has been in the forefront of hate-propaganda against Kukis for illegal immigration, drugs, terrorism and encroaching forest reserves. When every lawmaker and public figures repeat such claims in the media, it thus appears true to the masses, as also explained by the agenda setting function.

The violence which sparked off with the demand and opposition to Schedule Tribe status of the Meitei has slowly morphed into immigrant-refugee crisis. By referring to the violence as an outcome of the refugee crisis funded by drug cartels, the state government does not alone draw attention of central leaders but also justify what the state machinery does to its own population in the beginning days of the conflict. Furthermore, it draws the whole Meitei population, its militant organization such as the UNLF (P) and right-wing associations such as the Arambai Tenggol and Meitei Leepun in the fight against ‘illegal immigrants’ which the Meiteis loosely refers to the Kuki group. No doubt, illegal movements from neighboring countries might have taken place with loosely implemented border policies. It is not a case of the Indo-Burma frontier alone. Such needs identification and deportation if required as per law. This failed to take place. Further, the claim of abnormal increase in population of Kukis is not reflected in any of the records in the past four decades. Abnormal population growth does arise in three sub-divisions in Senapati district in 2001, but these are Naga dominated areas of the said district. Cultivation of poppy is not limited to Kuki areas but equally found in Naga areas. Destruction of poppy plants by police since May 2023 happens only in Naga districts alone. Enough evidence and reports suggest who profited most from the trade. It is not community specific issues, which the honorable house hinted otherwise. So what necessitates cornering a certain community? If the government feels Kukis are ‘huge stakeholder’, what deterred them from holding meaningful dialogue?

By targeting a community, Singh and the state government has moved to square one which otherwise could be half-done. Any genuine mind with a genuine issue would not resort to violence. To put it bluntly, the attack on Kukis over illegal immigration and war against drugs could either be to divert public attention over its failures to control violence; a means to conceal and justify state atrocities over Kukis in the violence, or help right- wing organizations achieved its ethnocentric dream. N Biren Singh’s latest data of above-normal growth in voter list of Kukis, as presented in the house, are but a means to garner mass support and continue further state-sponsored aggression towards its own citizens who voted him to power.

(The author is interested in northeast history, ethnic-relations and conflict resolutions. He can be reached at: lienchongloi@gmail.com)